Will Huckabee Honor His Word?

Advocacy Groups, Jeanne White-Ginder Still Waiting to Meet with Gov. Huckabee, but after two letters by the Human Rights Campaign and The AIDS Institute, the Huckabee campaign has not responded

WASHINGTON – One week after requesting to meet with Republican presidential candidate Governor Mike Huckabee, Jeanne White-Ginder, the mother of Ryan White, the Human Rights Campaign or The AIDS Institute, still have not heard from Gov. Huckabee or his campaign. The meeting was called in response to Gov. Huckabee’s 1992 remarks, that he refused to repudiate, when he said people living with HIV and AIDS should have been “isolated” even after it was determined the virus was not spread through casual contact. The morning after HRC and The AIDS Institute sent a letter to the Huckabee campaign requesting a meeting, the Governor said, “I would be very willing to meet with them.”

Continue reading "Will Huckabee Honor His Word?"

Biden's Cheap Shot at Giuliani

Joe Biden's presidential campaign, in an attempt to garner some much-needed attention, has been working hard to pick a fight with Rudy Giuliani, but his last attack may have gone to far.

Biden has declared Giuliani unqualified to be present, and recently commented: “there’s only three things he mentions in a sentence: a noun and a verb and 9/11.”

Giuliani has recently been working 9/11 into answers to all sorts of questions, including a recent question about the HIV/AIDS epidemic. The Biden campaign sent out this example to the media along with two other examples. It's a reasonable criticism.

But it an obvious reference to Giuliani's history of performing in drag, the Biden press release ends by stating playfully: "In the spirit of Halloween, Rudy, if the dress fits, wear it.’’

Giuliani has been appearing in drag on and off for the past 10 years, including Inner Circle Press Dinners in 1997 and 2000 and episodes of Saturday Night Live. Giuliani offered once to appear in drag on the Showtime television series Queer as Folk, but that appearance never materialized. All this has not stopped Giuliani from reaching out to right-wing Republicans. Giuliani recently received an endorsement from the founder of the Christian Coalition, Pat Robertson.

The Biden comment, clearly meant to be humorous, marks the first time a presidential candidate has commented on Giuliani's drag performances, and quite frankly, it lowers the debate and takes away from Biden's more substantive criticism. Republican or Democrat, gender identity and expression, much like race, ethnicity, and gender, should never be a factor in which candidate you support. The top tier Democratic candidates would do well to learn from Biden's mistake and avoid these types of attacks.

Giuliani Asked About HIV/AIDS, Answers 9/11

If you need any further evidence that Giuliani is a one-note-wonder, check out this article in the Iowa Independent. Giuliani manages to work 9/11 into every campaign stop, and at a recent appearance in Iowa, he even answered and HIV/AIDS question with one of his stock 9/11 responses:

After about 10 minutes of prepared remarks, Giuliani began taking questions. Asked about increasing federal support for HIV medications, Giuliani discussed what he considers appropriate federal responsibility in health care. "I don't want to promise you the federal government will take over the role," he said, drawing applause and shouts of "all right." Then, in some interesting twists, he turned the HIV question into a 9/11 answer:

click here to read the whole article.

Hillary Clinton Statement on National Latino AIDS Awareness Day

from the Hillary Clinton Website

According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Hispanics in the United States are disproportionately affected by HIV/AIDS. Although Hispanics comprised 13 percent of the U.S. population in 2005, they accounted for 19 percent of new HIV/AIDS diagnoses. Hispanic women are especially vulnerable. The CDC reports that their infection rate was more than five times higher than that of white women in 2005. Hillary Clinton issued the following statement to mark National Latino AIDS Awareness Day, observed on October 15th:

"Latinos account for the second highest rate of AIDS cases in the United States, by race or ethnicity. The epidemic has disproportionately affected Latinas and young adults. And while there has been progress in addressing the spread of the disease, the Latino community still faces tremendous challenges -including cultural and language barriers-- in the fight for the rights and needs of people living with HIV/ AIDS. During National Latino Aids Awareness Day, groups and individuals across the country gather to promote and sponsor information and prevention activities in the Hispanic community.

"I have long fought to fully fund the Ryan White CARE Act to improve access to treatment and support for those living with this tragic disease. I also wrote the Early Treatment for HIV Act, which expands access to vital treatment options for low-income individuals living with HIV. As President, I will continue taking bold steps to confront and eradicate AIDS and to support those living with the disease. The American Health Choices Plan that I have proposed also includes provisions that will eliminate racial and ethnic disparities in health care, and increase diversity and cultural and linguistic competency in the health care system.

"On National Latino AIDS Awareness Day, let us commemorate the lives lost to this epidemic, and recommit to continue our fight against the spread of the disease, through dialogue, advocacy and community awareness."

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To learn more about National Latino AIDS Awareness Day, visit www.nlaad.org.

To see pictures from National Latino AIDS Awareness Day events in Washington, DC: click here.

POZ Magazine Article on Presidential Candidates and HIV/AIDS

Nicole Joseph wrote the following piece for POZ Magazine

Will the 2008 U.S. presidential hopefuls commit to fighting HIV/AIDS? (And how you can encourage them to care.)

On September 18, former Senator John Edwards became the first 2008 presidential candidate to announce a plan to fight HIV/AIDS in the United States and abroad. Activists and people living with HIV applauded Edwards's plan—which would provide universal access to health care for HIV-positive Americans by 2012. It would also create a national strategy to fight AIDS that offers all people equal access to care and bases prevention efforts on science rather than political ideology. The HIV community has long awaited any sign of support from those vying to become this country's future leader. "We're hoping that all the candidates put out as detailed a plan as Edwards has," says Christine Campbell, director of national advocacy and organizing at Housing Works, a New York-based AIDS service group.

In an election year when national health care is a front-burner issue, one would think that addressing the AIDS pandemic would be a priority on every candidate's platform. But the topic has been noticeably absent from initial debates and public forums. Even though Senator Hillary Clinton said in June that “If HIV/AIDS were the leading cause of death of white women between the ages of 25 and 34, there would be an outraged outcry in this country,” her recently released health care plan made no specific provisions for addressing the concerns of HIV-positive black women, let alone the rest of the HIV community. Rebecca Haag, executive director of AIDS Action, says, "[With] more than 1.7 million HIV infections [to date] and over half a million deaths in the domestic AIDS epidemic, our government still does not have a comprehensive plan to respond effectively." The virus continues to infect tens of thousands of new people a year and has 1.2 million in its grip in the U.S. alone.

What made Edwards speak out about AIDS? Was it intense political pressure delivered in recent weeks by watchdog groups who highlighted each presidential candidate’s commitment, or lack thereof, to the AIDS fight? Was it the call to action (nationalaidsstrategy.org) delivered to all presidential hopefuls by more than 100 organizations fighting HIV just days before Edwards released his plan? Was it the questionnaire posed to each candidate by the Campaign to End AIDS (C2EA)? Or was it Larry Frampton, a 46-year-old HIV-positive man, who traveled to one of Edwards’s campaign stops in Iowa?

Frampton waited hours to grab a chance to speak with the senator, eventually making his way to the front of the crowd and asking Edwards when he planned to post his domestic and global AIDS policy. Frampton then told Edwards that he'd been living with HIV for 18 years. Senator Edwards gave Frampton a hug and said, "We have a lot of work to do."

Frampton’s move, known as “bird-dogging” (which he describes as "getting people organized to ask the candidates the same question over and over again until they actually answer"), is one thing HIV-positive people can do to voice their concerns to the candidates. And, depending on the candidate’s response, sometimes the influence moves in both directions: Frampton says that his encounter with Edwards has him "definitely leaning" toward voting for Edwards.

“Every time I have bird-dogged and every time I have told a candidate that I'm a person living with HIV, they at least listen, and most of the time, they're more apt to listen to someone who's got a story to tell," says Frampton. "And so as a person living with HIV, you've got an opportunity to get out there and tell your story, and maybe get them to do some action on some things."

Across the country other members of the AIDS community are becoming more vocal about their expectations of the candidates. In Iowa, there is a statewide group—Iowans for AIDS Action—working together to encourage the candidates to adopt plans to fight the epidemic in the U.S. and around the world. The network of people living with HIV, religious leaders, researchers, medical and undergraduate students and AIDS service providers are living proof of the notion that ordinary people can do extraordinary things. “It doesn’t take a specially trained activist or political junkie [to make a difference],” says Michael Kink, legislative council for Housing Works. “It’s on all of us to make sure that the presidential candidates address [HIV/AIDS] clearly and in a straightforward manner.”

Whether the pressure on candidates comes from one individual, like Frampton, or from a larger, united perspective, one thing is evident: AIDS activists are not content to stand quietly by as the other candidates ignore their issues. And the broad, sweeping plans of the past aren't welcome in the 2008 election. They want specifics. Democratic presidential hopeful Senator Hillary Clinton (D-NY) recently announced her recommendation for a health plan that would require every U.S. citizen to have health insurance. While this would inevitably benefit HIV-positive people, members of the AIDS community are still waiting to hear her answers to the tougher questions. For example: How much funding will be allocated to prevent and treat HIV and when can we expect to see it? "General health care plans don't necessarily address the specifics of what's needed to actually end the epidemic," says Housing Works' Campbell. "Anyone who presents a plan needs to be able to provide specific details."

A good way to educate yourself about key issues affecting the HIV community is to review the points put forth by AIDS Action’s call to action for a national strategy to fight AIDS (nationalaidsstrategy.org). Even if you don’t plan to try to bird-dog yourself, you can lend your support by signing the call to action demanding that candidates commit to a national AIDS strategy.

The Campaign to End AIDS (C2EA) AIDSVote.com site examines the candidates' stances on HIV/AIDS prevention, treatment and care. It is another great place to bring yourself up to speed so that you can be prepared to speak with candidates, write to politicians or just know who to vote for. AIDSvote organizers’ recent questionnaire surveyed the candidates' positions on a variety of issues. The topics ranged from "abstinence only" prevention programs to the Early Treatment for HIV Act (ETHA), a domestic initiative that would allow HIV-positive people who are not disabled to access Medicaid. So far, only Senator Edwards, Governor Bill Richardson (D-N. M.) and Senator Barack Obama (D-Ill.) have responded to the questionnaire. "We've got a team of C2EA activists fanning out to call the campaigns and get in some more questionnaires," says Kink. "It’s important to reach out to all the candidates in both parties."

Reaching the candidates, however, means more than just sending petitions and questionnaires. It takes a personal touch, a Larry Frampton, to move a person to action. That's why AIDSVote.com provides a detailed guide “Bird-dogging 101,” to help you make a difference. With plans to launch an updated site soon, AIDSvote.com will also offer a calendar containing information on the candidates' campaign stops so that members of the HIV/AIDS community can meet them—face to face—at the front lines.

If you’re not able to intersect candidates on the presidential campaign trail soon, you could plan a trip for next spring, a critical time in the ’08 presidential race, to attend AIDSWatch, sponsored by the National Association of People With AIDS. The annual event offers another direct avenue for lobbying those who make policy. AIDSWatch is scheduled for April 2008 and will bring hundreds of AIDS advocates from across the country to Washington, DC, to discuss AIDS funding and programming with elected officials.

Christine Campbell says that the community shouldn’t wait around for the candidates to speak out about the epidemic, and suggests that they should educate themselves about the issues and take a proactive approach to politics. "Write [to politicians], go to their events, and when there's an opportunity to specifically ask them questions, ask them to address specific issues, like whether they support lifting the ban on syringe-exchange programs; if they're willing to commit $50 billion in resources to HIV and AIDS; if they will develop a national strategy to actually end AIDS in the United States; and if they'll support their health care workers abroad," she says. "If we can educate people [in the HIV-positive community] about the specific policy points, when they go to [political] events, they can ask [politicians] directly 'will you do this'?"

And maybe some other candidates will finally respond – to your face, to your story and to your inescapable reality of living with HIV in a country whose future leaders seem reluctant to face the epidemic they will inherit.

Clinton Statement On National Coming Out Day

Reprinted from the official website.

The simple act of declaring who you are has often been a moment of courage for many lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered (LGBT) Americans. National Coming Out Day honors the brave journey many have taken out of the closet. But even now, after so much progress has been made in the fight for equality and acceptance, many in the LGBT community continue to face discrimination and harassment.

As President, I will end the divisive politics of this administration and work to renew the promise of fairness for all Americans. This means supporting equal rights for gay and lesbian couples, ending Don't Ask Don't Tell and allowing patriotic Americans to serve their country, and finally signing into law the Employment Non-Discrimination Act and hate crimes legislation.

So on this day, twenty years after the Second March on Washington for Lesbian and Gay Rights, let us rededicate ourselves to the ideal that all Americans should be treated equally, no matter who you are or who you love.

Statement of Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton on the Hate Crimes Prevention Act Of 2007

Washington, DC - Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton issued the following statement on Senate approval of the Matthew Shepard Local Law Enforcement Hate Crimes Prevention Act as an amendment to the Department of Defense Authorization bill:

"A crime motivated by hate on the basis of a victim’s race, ethnic background, religion, gender, sexual orientation, disability, and gender identity is not just a crime against the individual – it is a crime against a community. It sends a message to an entire group of people that they are unwelcome and that they should be afraid. Hate crimes are an affront to the core values that bind us to one another, and we should dedicate the resources needed to prosecute these crimes to the fullest extent of the law.

The Matthew Shepard Local Law Enforcement Hate Crimes Prevention Act condemns the abhorrent practice of victimizing people because of their race, ethnic background, religion, gender, sexual orientation, disability, and gender identity. It authorizes the Justice Department to help state and local governments investigate and prosecute hate crimes and provides grants to help state and local governments prosecute these appalling offenses. With today’s vote, the Senate is proclaiming loudly that the American people will not tolerate crimes motivated by bigotry and hatred. I am proud to cosponsor this important legislation and will continue to work hard to provide our law enforcement and prosecutors with the resources they need to fight these appalling crimes."

reprinted from Clinton Senate website

Cate Edwards Supports Marriage Equality

While campaigning in Iowa, Cate Edwards stated her support for marriaqe equality for same sex couples. Her father, Presidential Candidate John Edwards, supports civil unions for same sex couples, but has not gone as far as to support full marriage equality.

Cate is the second member of the Edwards clan to come out in favor of marriage equality. John Edward's wife Elizabeth Edwards stated her support for marriage equality last June at a breakfast reception organized by the Alice B. Toklas LGBT Democratic Club in San Francisco.

The Iowa Independent reports that Cate Edwards shared her views while campaigning in Iowa, appearing with Edwards supporter James Denton (Desperate Housewives). Cate Edwards, currently enrolled in Harvard Law School, stated "Children don't always agree with their parents -- it might be a little creepy if they did."

John Edwards Statement on Passage of Hate Crimes Prevention Act

Chapel Hill, North Carolina – Senator John Edwards released the following statement following the U.S. Senate's vote to support new federal hate crime legislation:

"Every American deserves the right to live without fear of physical violence -- law enforcement should have all the resources and tools it needs to protect every community in America. I have long supported strengthening our hate crimes laws to show that Americans will not tolerate or condone hateful violence of any kind.

"With 25 hate crimes committed every day by the FBI's count -- one every hour -- it is embarrassing that the White House says stronger law enforcement tools are 'unnecessary.' Nine years after the heinous murders of Matthew Shepard and James Byrd, Jr., these tools are more necessary than ever."

Barack Obama Statement on Passage of Hate Crimes Prevention Act

U.S. Senator Barack Obama (D-IL) made the following statement on the passage of the Matthew Shepard Local Law Enforcement Hate Crimes Prevention Act, which was offered as an amendment to National Defense Authorization Act. Obama is an original cosponsor of the legislation, which expands federal law to investigate and prosecute hate crimes to include crimes perpetrated because of sexual orientation, gender, gender identity and disability.

"This vote was about who we are as Americans and whether this nation is going to live up to its founding promise of equality. Those who commit hate crimes should be punished no matter whether those crimes are committed on account of race, gender, religion, disability, or sexual orientation. Today's vote is a victory for all of us in upholding basic rights and protections in this country. I urge the President to reconsider his veto threat and support this legislation. Passing this bill will help us live up to the principle that in this country, we treat all of our citizens with dignity and respect."

Hillary Clinton Interviewed in the Advocate

Hillary Clinton is interviewed in the Advocate this month. Sean Kennedy writes: "Indeed, that Clinton is a woman cannot be underestimated in her appeal to gay people, and vice versa. Bill Clinton often spoke of a 'politics of compassion,' but Hillary is the one who has lived the struggle for respect and equality just as gays have." The full text of the interview is available on the Advocate website.

The John Edwards HIV/AIDS Plan

Reprinted below is the John Edwards plan to fight HIV/AIDS here in the United States as well as around the world. It's a bold plan that I believe really sets him apart from the other candidates. Once again, I'm very proud to be supporting John Edwards for President. To download this document, click here

ENDING THE HIV/AIDS EPIDEMIC

“The loss from HIV/AIDS is almost beyond understanding. This is a fight for people’s lives. Wehave a moral imperative to do much more, and do it much better.”– John Edwards

HIV is a preventable disease. But an estimated 40,000 new HIV cases were reported in the U.S. lastyear, and 4.3 million were reported around the world. HIV/AIDS is a treatable disease. Yet 17,000Americans and 3 million people globally died from it in 2005. [CDC, 2007; WHO, 2006]

John Edwards was the first presidential candidate – Democratic or Republican – to take on the biginsurance and drug companies and propose a plan for quality, affordable health care for every man,woman and child in America that offers everyone the option of a public plan. Today, John Edwardsbuilds on his plan for true universal health care with specific proposals to lead the fight againstHIV/AIDS at home and around the world. He will include a comprehensive new national strategy tofight HIV/AIDS, including:

• Guaranteeing health insurance to every American – including HIV/AIDS patients -- the care theyneed when they need it and expanding Medicaid to cover HIV-positive individuals before theyreach later stages of disabilities and AIDS.
• Fighting the disease in the African American and Latino communities, where the harm is nowgreatest.
• Calling for universal access to HIV/AIDS medicine across the world, investing $50 billion overfive years to meet that goal.

FIGHTING HIV/AIDS ATHOME

HIV/AIDS is still a crisis in America, particularly in African-American and Latino communities.The number of new HIV infections in the U.S. has not fallen in 15 years. As president, Edwards willhelp end the HIV/AIDS epidemic in America. [CDC, 2005]

Guaranteeing Treatment for Everyone with True Universal Health Care by 2012: People withHIV/AIDS who don’t have health insurance or who have inadequate insurance are significantly morelikely to die from the disease. That’s the tragedy of the two health care systems in this country today– one for people who can afford the very best care and one for everyone else. True universal healthcare must be the foundation for a national HIV/AIDS strategy.

Edwards’ plan will ensure everyperson in America living with HIV/AIDS gets the care they need, when they need it. His plan willalso transform chronic care with a new patient-centered “medical home” approach where a primarycare physician will make sure patients are getting effective treatment from a coordinated team,including palliative care. [Bhattacharya, 2003]

Edwards supports the Early Treatment for HIV Act which will expand Medicaid to cover HIV-positive individuals in every state before they reach later stages of disability and AIDS. Currently, inmost states, individuals must receive an AIDS diagnosis to receive services under Medicaid even though research shows that the sooner individuals living with HIV receive treatment the better the outcomes. [Porco et al., 2004]

Creating a National HIV/AIDS Strategy: In 2001, the CDC set a national goal of reducing the annual number of new infections in half by 2005, but the actual number of infections has barelybudged. A 1998 presidential initiative set a goal of eliminating racial disparities in HIV/AIDS by2010, but disparities are as bad today as they were then. Our disappointments can be explained inpart by the failure to create a national strategy, backed by necessary funding and with clear and bold goals, specific action steps, real accountability and broad participation and buy-in from stakeholders both inside and outside of government. As president, Edwards will develop a National HIV/AIDS Strategy through an honest, comprehensive and fast-tracked process that involves stakeholders fromthe public and nonprofit sectors. The National Strategy will coordinate the various agencies withinand outside of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) that affect HIV/AIDS policy.He will hold his HHS Secretary accountable for issuing an annual report on HIV/AIDS that charts progress towards our national goals, and he will appoint a strong director of the White House officeof AIDS Policy to keep these issues visible at the highest levels of government. [CDC, 1999, 2001, 2007;HHS, 1998]

Focusing on Disparities: About two-thirds of all new HIV/AIDS cases are diagnosed in African Americans and Latinos. African Americans are infected at nearly 10 times the rate, and Latinos atmore than three times the rate, of white Americans. A 2005 study of African-American men whohave sex with men in selected cities found that almost half are infected with HIV, and 67 percent donot know they have the disease. Latina women are six times more likely than white women to have HIV/AIDS. Any serious effort to end the HIV/AIDS epidemic must begin in the African-American and Latino communities, including among the incarcerated population, and address their prevention and treatment needs. We must also continue to work intensively with important overlapping groups like gay men. [CDC, 2007; KFF, 2007]

Supporting Ryan White CARE Act Programs and HOPWA: Enacting true universal health carewill ensure patients have access to care, but fully funding the Ryan White CARE Act will remainessential to ensure that culturally-competent care is available for the special needs of people livingwith HIV/AIDS. These programs include outpatient HIV early intervention services, support serviceslike transportation, case management, substance abuse and mental health treatment, nutrition, family-centered care for children, access to clinical trials and delivery to hard-to-reach populations. Maintaining delivery of outreach and treatment services to the LGBT community, for example, isdependent on these programs. Edwards will also put an end to waiting lines for HIV drugs -- forexample, more than 300 people with HIV/AIDS are on a waiting list for medication in South Carolina– and increase funds for the Housing for People with AIDS (HOPWA) programs, only federal program that provides comprehensive, community-based housing for people with HIV/AIDS.[NASTAD, 2007]

Preventing HIV/AIDS with Scientifically-Proven Strategies, Not Political Ideology: The CDChas identified the three most reliable ways to prevent HIV/AIDS infections. Yet the Bush administration focuses on only one of them – abstinence. As president, Edwards will promotes all reliable prevention strategies, including comprehensive, age-appropriate sex education to ensure young people learn all the facts about preventing HIV/AIDS and harm-reduction programs thatprovide high-risk individuals with access to clean syringes. He will lift the ban on federal funding for needle exchange initiatives. In addition, Edwards will support community and public education that encourages testing.[CDC, Undated; Bush, 2005]

Strengthening America’s Research Agenda: It used to be that more than four out of 10 requestsfor National Institutes of Health grants were approved. Now less than two out of 10 are approved,and existing grants are being cut back. One of those rejected requests might have led to abreakthrough on HIV/AIDS treatments. Edwards supports substantial increases in funding for the National Science Foundation and the National Institutes of Health, as well as measures to ensuretransparency in funding decisions, accountability for results and aligning research with outcomes.[NIH, 2007]

FIGHTING HIV/AIDS AROUND THEWORLD

While the Bush administration initially increased funding for the global fight against HIV/AIDS,funding has now flat-lined. We must do more, and do it better. The fight against HIV/AIDS is afight for people’s lives, but President Bush’s way has us fighting with one hand tied behind our back.One-third of prevention funding goes to abstinence-only education that has been shown not to work.The U.S. has also refused to fund medicine approved by the World Health Organization, even thoughrequiring FDA approval means the U.S. sometimes pays up to three times more for drugs. Thismeans fewer people receive treatment, as the profits of drug companies are protected.[Goldberg, 2007;Carpenter, 2007; Love, 2007]

To restore our moral standing in the world, Edwards believes that America must be a global leader inthe fight against poverty and disease. Fighting global poverty and addressing global health crises is amoral imperative, but it is also a security issue. As president, John Edwards will fundamentally transform America’s approach to the world and bring high-level attention to the fight against global HIV/AIDS by:

Providing Universal Access to Treatment Globally: A $4 dose of medicine can help prevent amother from transmitting HIV to her newborn at childbirth. In developing countries, HIV/AIDS medications cost as little as $140 per patient a year – but, by mid-2006, fewer than one in four people who needed it had access to treatment. As part of a comprehensive plan to also fight TB and malaria around the world, Edwards has set an ambitious goal of providing universal access to preventive and treatment drugs for the three “killer diseases” by 2010, investing $50 billion over five years to meet that goal. This includes fulfilling our moral responsibility to help strengthen public health systems and health care workforces in developing nations. While we can make current spending go further bybeing more aggressive with the pharmaceutical industry, Edwards will ensure the U.S. contributes its traditional fair share toward the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, which hasproven itself as an innovative, effective model to fight disease.[UNICEF, 2005; U.N. Millennium Project,2005; WHO, 2007]

Using Trade Policy to Save Lives: Edwards will enact trade policies that save lives, rather than protect the profits of big drug companies. He will ensure that U.S. bilateral trade agreements respect the rights of countries to access and use generic medicines consistent with the Doha Declaration onthe TRIPS Agreement and Public Health. We must expand poor countries’ right to safe, affordable generic drugs to treat HIV/AIDS. The increased distribution of generic drugs has been a step in theright direction. However, as millions of people develop resistance to these drugs, we must beprepared to facilitate access to more effective medications. As president, Edwards will supportefforts to increase the importation and production in developing countries of second-line and pediatric drugs. He will also re-assess the Bush policy that forces us to pay higher prices for drugsthat have been approved by the FDA, when less expensive drugs have already been approved by theWHO and their safety is reliable. WHO safety standards are relied upon by leading international organizations, including the Global Fund.

Expanding the Role of Multilateral Organizations: America’s reluctance to engage the world through multilateral organizations under President Bush has hurt our ability to combat poverty and fight HIV/AIDS. Edwards believes multilateral institutions like the Global Fund can be far moreefficient at using taxpayer dollars than bilateral agencies like the President’s Emergency Plan forAIDS Relief, with far lower overheads. As president, Edwards will support efforts to increase the role of multilateral institutions like the Global Fund in distributing funds to fight HIV/AIDS, ratherthan just bilateral aid agencies and their contractors.

Rescinding the Global Gag Rule: In 2001, President Bush signed an executive order barring U.S. family planning aid to foreign non-profits that offer abortions, except in the case of a threat to awoman’s life or incest, that provide abortion counseling or that lobby to make abortion legal. This“gag rule” stifles free speech and forces non-profits to choose between vital U.S. funds and providingessential health services. The “gag rule” has hurt efforts to ensure access to contraception methods that can prevent the spread of HIV. Edwards will overturn this order and restore support for effectivefamily planning.

Creating a Cabinet-Level Post on Global Poverty: Despite its importance to our national security and international standing, America still lacks a comprehensive strategy to fight global poverty. Ourforeign aid programs are fractured and uncoordinated, delivered by over 50 separate government offices. As a result, bureaucrats fight over overlapping jurisdictions and resources are not tied to anygovernment-wide priorities. As president, Edwards will create a new cabinet-level position that will coordinate global development policies across the federal government and be a voice for the fightagainst global HIV/AIDS.

Promoting Women’s Rights and Universal Education: Strengthening the rights of women and increasing education will help change social roles that underlie the spread of HIV in many countries. Reducing violence against women and expanding education are both proven means of preventing HIV. Edwards will aggressively support political and economic rights for women where they do notexist and support efforts to reduce violence against women and children. He will also lead the world toward a primary education for every child, endorsing the goal of achieving universal basic educationby 2015. As part of a significant increase in overall funding for poverty-focused development assistance, Edwards will lead a worldwide effort to raise $10 billion to fund this cause.[UNAIDS,2005; World Bank, 2002]

Supporting Debt Cancellation: Debt owed to Western lenders prevents many poor countries frommaking the kinds of investments in health and education that can help prevent the spread of HIV andother diseases. Edwards will take the next step on debt relief by eliminating bilateral debt owed tothe United States by the world’s poorest countries, freeing up resources for these countries to invest in health and education. He will also call on other lender nations to follow our lead.

Next President Must End AIDS in the United States

WASHINGTON, Sep. 17, 2007 -- More than 100 organizations from across the country are calling for the next President to commit to ending the AIDS epidemic in America. They have requested that every Presidential candidate commit to developing a results-oriented national AIDS strategy designed to significantly reduce HIV infection rates, ensure access to care and treatment for those who are infected and eliminate racial disparities. The groups issued a “Call to Action” that has been presented to all Presidential candidates. The Call to Action and a list of supporters is available at www.nationalaidsstrategy.org.

“More than 1.7 million HIV infections and over half a million deaths into the domestic AIDS epidemic, our government still does not have a comprehensive plan to respond effectively,” said Rebecca Haag, Executive Director of AIDS Action. “The wealthiest nation in the world is failing its own people in responding to the AIDS epidemic at home. Our country must develop what it asks of other nations it supports in combating AIDS: a comprehensive national strategy to achieve improved and more equitable results.”

The Call to Action asserts that the lack of an outcome-based response to HIV domestically has lead to unacceptable results: half of people with HIV are not in care, there is a new infection every 13 minutes, infection rates have not fallen in more than 15 years, and dramatic racial disparities are becoming even more pronounced.

“America’s response to AIDS is not serving those most in need,” said Phill Wilson, Executive Director of the Black AIDS Institute. “We cannot make significant progress on national AIDS statistics unless government and community efforts better respond to the needs of Black America, and we need a comprehensive national strategy to get there.”

“We need a plan, not a patchwork,” said Julie Davids, Executive Director of Community HIV/AIDS Mobilization Project (CHAMP). “We need to move from a response to AIDS that is often bureaucratic to one that is evidence-based and outcomes-oriented; a response that reaches everyone at risk of infection or needing care.”

The Call to Action statement states that to be successful a national AIDS strategy should:

• Improve prevention and treatment outcomes through reliance on evidence-based programming
• Set ambitious and credible prevention and treatment targets and require annual reporting on progress towards goals
• Identify clear priorities for action across federal agencies and assign responsibilities and timelines for follow-through
• Include, as a primary focus, the prevention and treatment needs of African Americans, other communities of color, gay men of all races, and other groups at elevated risk
• Address social factors that increase vulnerability to infection
• Promote a strengthened HIV prevention and treatment research effort
• 
  Involve many sectors in developing the national strategy: government, business, community, civil rights organizations, faith based groups, researchers, and people living with HIV/AIDS

Mark Cloutier, the Executive Director of the San Francisco AIDS Foundation notes the “enormous human and economic costs resulting from the lack of a focused response to HIV/AIDS domestically. Without action there will be more unnecessary deaths, billions of dollars in increased health care expenses and a significant loss of productivity in our economy. A more effective national response to HIV/AIDS is a critical part of building a stronger and more responsive health care system for all Americans.”

Pernessa Seele, founder and CEO of The Balm In Gilead, said, "The legacy of the next Executive Office resident will be determined by what she or he says and does to move communities and this country from where we are - in crisis because of HIV/AIDS - to where we want and need to be - a world leader in the advancement of research, testing, treatment and eradication of HIV/AIDS at home and abroad."

"It is unconscionable that the United States, which has all the necessary resources to end the AIDS epidemic, does not have a comprehensive plan to stop AIDS deaths, reduce infections, and get people the medical care that they need," said Robert Bank, Chief Operating Officer of Gay Men's Health Crisis, (GMHC) in New York.

“We want the American public to know that the knowledge and strategies needed to end the nation’s HIV/AIDS crisis already exist,” said David Ernesto Munar, vice president at the AIDS Foundation of Chicago. “Strong national leadership can change the course of the epidemic.”

AIDS advocates and leaders all over the country are currently contacting their colleagues in civil rights, social justice, and health care organizations urging their endorsement and support.

Tammy Baldwin on Hillary Clinton

Out Congress Member Tammy Baldwin endorsed Hillary Clinton's presidential campaign last month. Hillary Clinton campaigned for Baldwin when she first ran for Congress. Baldwin tells The Advocate: "Long-standing friendship is a very influential factor when you're making a significant choice like endorsing a presidential candidate, but I think I would've reached the same conclusion and made the endorsement regardless."

For more on the endorsement, read this article in the Southern Voice

Barack Obama on LGBT Immigration

Chris Crain has a great post up which clarifies Barack Obama's position on LGBT immigration, and specifically, the Uniting American Families Act. The Obama campaign reports:

"Barack believes that LGBT Americans with partners from other countries should not be faced with a choice between staying with their partner and staying in their country. That's why he supports changing immigration policy through the Uniting American Families Act. He does, however, have some reservations about the fraud provisions of the present bill."

read the full post here.

Phil Wilson: Candidates Must Offer a Plan for Ending AIDS

When the Democrats gathered on June 28 for the first of Tavis Smiley's All-American Presidential Forums, the conversation about AIDS was a far cry from the sorry spectacle of the 2004 vice presidential debate.

In that 2004 debate, moderator Gwen Ifill asked both Vice President Dick Cheney and then-Democratic nominee John Edwards about confronting HIV among Black women. A befuddled Cheney replied that he was "not aware" of the problem; Edwards ignored the actual question and talked instead about AIDS in Russia and Africa.

But what a difference three years, lots of activism and intrepid Black journalism makes. When NPR's Michele Martin asked about AIDS among Black teens in the June 28 debate at Howard University, the leading Democratic contenders took turns offering meaningful responses.

"If HIV/AIDS were the leading cause of death of white women between the ages of 25 and 34, there would be an outraged outcry in this country," declared Sen. Hillary Clinton, drawing rousing applause. "This is a multiple dimension problem," Clinton concluded. "But if we don't begin to take it seriously and address it the way we did back in the 90s, when it was primarily a gay man's disease, we will never get the services and the public education that we need."

Sen. Barack Obama urged African Americans to challenge stigma surrounding the virus, and notably cited homophobia as a roadblock. "We don't talk about it in the schools," Obama said. "Sometimes we don't talk about it in the churches. It has been an aspect of sometimes a homophobia, that we don't address this issue as clearly as it needs to be."

Obama added that AIDS is but one more symptom of the larger, "interconnected" problems we face. "The African American community is weakened," he declared. "It has a disease to its immune system."

Sen. Joe Biden urged African Americans to get tested and to discard unhealthy notions of Black masculinity that discourage both condom use and sexual communication.

John Edwards outlined three clear policy priorities for stopping AIDS, which included boosting spending to find a cure, guaranteeing universal treatment for people living with AIDS, and expanding Medicaid to cover HIV—a crucial initiative that advocates have tried and failed to get on Washington's agenda for a decade, and which Clinton highlights on her campaign Web site.

Black America has finally convinced presidential candidates that if they want to get our support, they have to meaningfully discuss AIDS—at least when they are talking to us. Now we've got to make them put their platforms where their mouths are. Show us the plan, Mr. and Mrs. Candidate. Show us the plan.

The AIDS story is primarily one of failed leadership, and it's time for our leaders—and our wannabe leaders—to actually lead. No candidate in either party has put forward a plan for dealing with AIDS in the United States, let alone a plan to end the epidemic in Black America. And no candidate should receive a dime from us, let alone our votes, without one.

This demand is a crucial one. An Open Society Institute report highlighted in May that America today has no overarching plan guiding our national response to an epidemic that has killed more than half a million people and left as many as 1.3 million infected today.

There are no listed goals. No benchmarks for success. No delineation of the resources needed. As my grandmother used to say, "If you fail to plan, you plan to fail."

Black America suffers most from this lack of focus. We account for half of all people living with HIV/AIDS and half of all new infections each year. As Martin noted in her question to the candidates, our children make up 69 percent of new cases among teens. Black women represent two-thirds of female cases. Forty-six percent of Black gay men may already be positive.

So any candidate credibly asking for African American votes must show how he or she plans to end the epidemic in Black America. We must not accept vague promises alone, but must insist that candidates lay out detailed proposals.

The candidates don't have to start from scratch in this process. Last summer, Black community leaders stepped into the void and began plotting a national mobilization to end AIDS in Black America. Twenty-five national Black institutions have since signed on to the effort, which boasts signatories that range from the NAACP to Snoop Dog, Ludacris, Don Cheadle and Beyonce.
Every presidential candidate should sign on to this historic mobilization as well.

The time for haphazard, reactionary policymaking in confronting AIDS is gone. The emergency of the epidemic's early years has long since morphed into a lasting, increasingly complex problem that demands a solution born from proactive planning. Black Americans cannot afford to accept anything less.

So here is what we need to do. Anytime we communicate with a presidential candidate-by mail, email, telephone or in person-ask this question: What is your plan to end AIDS in the Black community?

John McCain Doesn't Know What LGBT Means

John McCain was confused when a high school student asked him about "LGBT" issues. We all know LGBT stands for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender. It's the acronym used by all of the Democratic Presidential candidates and widely within the community. And if that doesn't convince you the man is without a clue, check out the full exchange. According to The Post

McCain, paused, confused by the question. Someone in the crowd shouted out "lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender." "I had not heard that phrase before," McCain said of LGBT. (It's a mark of the different planets the candidates from the two parties live on that McCain said this. Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and John Edwards have long lists of "LGBT" supporters they've sent to reporters across the country).

McCain then explained that while he opposed discrimination, he also felt marriage was between a man and a woman and noted he supported the "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" policy on gays in the military.The student, a junior named William Sleaster, then persisted, asking the candidate if he supported gay marriage or civil unions. McCain said "I do not." The student, standing at microphone across from the stage where McCain was speaking then declared "I came here to see a good leader. I do not."

The Senator seem surprised, but said he respected the student's views and his right to express them. "That's what America's about," McCain said. At the end of the hour long event, McCain came back to this point, looking at the student's direction and saying "we should be thankful" to live in a country where such frank discussions can happen.

2008 Presidential Candidates & Comprehensive Sex Education

James Wagoner, Executive Director of Advocates for Youth, offers this analysis on RH Reality Check.

When it comes to abstinence-only-until-marriage, the Republican presidential candidates are head-in-the-sand true believers, convoluted converts or, if you're Rudy Giuliani, you're silent -- very silent -- on the issue.

Most of the Democrats expressed perfunctory support for comprehensive sex education when asked directly on a candidate questionnaire (thank you, Human Rights Campaign!), but remain largely silent on the campaign trail. Nor do they exhibit any leadership on the issue in Congress.

On the other hand, the majority of the Republicans can't stop talking about the issue. The hardcore supporters of failed abstinence-only-until-marriage programs include Sam Brownback, Mike Huckabee, and Duncan Hunter. To paraphrase Dorothy Parker, the candidates run the gamut of persuasive arguments for abstinence-only from A to B.

Sam Brownback is "denialist in chief" with an entire page of his website devoted to the awesome wonders of abstinence-only-until-marriage education. He even has the temerity to use the word "data" when talking about these programs. Gee, Sam, what "data" is this? Mathematica's multi-year evaluation of abstinence-only programs mandated by Congress that demonstrated they don't work? Or maybe the 2000 Institute of Medicine report that stated the programs should be abolished because they represent "poor fiscal and public health policy"?

Mike Huckabee grew up in a society where the "Gideons gave out Bibles ... rather than school nurses giving our condoms." He does not believe in teaching "about sex or contraception in public schools." Then again, Mike probably believes that conception begins at flirtation.

Duncan Hunter, "concerned over the breakdown of values" in America, wants "equal emphasis" on abstinence, since he believes the government is overly focused on educating children on the "dangers of STDs and contraception." I wonder what government he is talking about -- Lithuania?

Then there are the convoluted converts like Mitt Romney and John McCain. Romney, during his 2002 campaign, filled out a questionnaire stating that he supported comprehensive sex education. Since that time, along with his deep commitment to his presidential ambitions, he's discovered an equally deep commitment to abstinence-only-until-marriage education. Ralph Waldo Emerson talked about consistency being the "hobgoblin of little minds." Emerson meant it as a compliment for creative thinkers. I don't think Mitt Romney fits that bill.

John McCain infamously put his foot in his mouth when he first tried to respond to a question about whether he supported condoms as part of HIV prevention. After some garbled meanderings as reported by The New York Times, McCain became a born-again, staunch supporter of abstinence-only, saying on Christian Broadcasting Network that we must "promote abstinence as the only safe and responsible alternative. To do otherwise is to send a mixed signal to children that, on the one hand, they should not be sexually active and, but on the other, here is the way to go about it." Yep, educating young people about prevention seems a "mixed message" and actually causes them to have sex -- just like umbrellas cause rain.

Rudy Giuliani is militantly mute on sex education. Having publicly supported New York City's condom distribution program when mayor, Rudy at least has the decency to avoid "pulling a Romney."

On the Democratic front, there is not a lot to say, because the candidates are not saying much. And that, my friends, is a problem. A big problem.

All of the candidates filled out an HRC questionnaire stating they would support the REAL Act, the comprehensive sex education legislation currently in Congress.

This week, during the Planned Parenthood conference, all the Democratic candidates pledged their commitment to reversing the Bush Administration conservative approach to "abortion rights, judicial appointments, sex education and contraception." In fact, Senator Hillary Clinton promised to "devote [her] very first days in office to reversing these ideological, anti-science, anti-prevention policies."

However, neither Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama, nor Joseph Biden has signed on as a co-sponsor of the REAL Act. Christopher Dodd, a co-sponsor in 2006, has not signed on this year. In fact, the only member of Congress running for president who is a cosponsor of the REAL Act is Dennis Kucinich.

It should also be noted that in 2004, Clinton was approached to be the original Senate sponsor of the Family Life Education Act. After an initial expression of interest from her office, all Advocates for Youth received was a massive runaround from her staff. Eventually, Senator Frank Lautenberg sponsored the bill.

Well, there you have it -- a fairly uninspiring Democratic presidential candidate record on the sex education issue.

Clearly, we have got a lot of work to do to get these candidates informed, committed, and vocal on an issue that is not only critical to public health but central to the rights and respect we should afford young people in our culture.

Edwards Picks Up Key Union Endorsements

Official endorsement at Pittsburgh Labor Day rally gives Edwards largest bloc of union support among presidential candidates so far

Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania – The United Steelworkers (USW) and the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) today endorsed Senator John Edwards for president. Following the Thursday endorsement of Edwards by the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners in America, the two endorsements announced today at a Labor Day rally in Pittsburgh with union members and their families give Edwards the largest bloc of union support so far—combined, more than 1.8 million members and retirees—among any of the presidential candidates.

"I am especially honored to receive the support of the Steelworkers and Mine Workers unions," said Edwards, "These are the workers who built the middle class in America, and they are the backbone of the American labor movement. They understand how important it is to fight back when jobs, safety, standards and our values are at risk—and they know what's at stake in this election."

"These workers have felt the negative impact of a broken system in Washington that is rigged against America's working families for far too long—whether it's the tragic lack of oversight in mine safety, trade agreements written to benefit multinational corporations while they ship American jobs overseas, or the millions of working Americans who still can't afford health insurance," added Edwards. "As president, I will proudly lead the fight on behalf of working families with their support—and together we will win."

Representing 1.2 million workers and retirees, the USW is the nation's largest private sector industrial union. Following extensive outreach to USW members that included a poll of the union's 15,000 activists, as well as a nationwide survey of the union's membership, the USW International Executive Board voted unanimously on Sunday, September 2nd to endorse Edwards.

The UMWA represents 105,000 active and retired coal miners, municipal employees, health care workers and manufacturing workers in North America. Their membership includes more coal miners than any union in the world.

Both Steelworkers President Leo W. Gerard and UMWA President Cecil E. Roberts announced their endorsement by making clear the stakes hard-working families face and laying out why Sen. Edwards is the best candidate to lead the fight for change in America.

"Senator John Edwards is committed, as he has been throughout his life, to going to bat for everyday Americans and to changing a broken political system that leaves millions of Americans without a voice in their government," said Steelworkers President Leo W. Gerard. "Edwards is right on the issues that matter to us, and he's the candidate with the best chance of winning in the general election. The big corporations don't need another president who does their bidding. It's time we had a president who will fight for working people—and that's what John Edwards will do."

"Senator Edwards' positions on the issues of importance to UMWA members make him the best fit of all the candidates for president," UMWA International President Cecil E. Roberts said. "We need a president who cares about ordinary working people instead of the richest Americans and the big multinational corporations. We believe John Edwards is that person, and we will work as hard as we know how on his behalf anywhere and everywhere we can."

Close to 1,000 people were expected at the Pittsburgh Labor Day rally where the unions' official endorsements were announced. Sen. Edwards was joined on stage by USW President Leo Gerard, UMWA International President Cecil Roberts and local union members. Elizabeth Edwards and Edwards Campaign Manager David Bonior also attended the event.

On Thursday, August 30th, the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America, representing more than 520,000 members from all political affiliations, also announced that they would endorse John Edwards for president. Their formal endorsement will take place at a rally of union members on September 8th in New Hampshire.

Edwards and Biden Support Global AIDS Pledge

Global AIDS Activists are making their mark on the 2008 election by attending campaign events to ask one simple question. Will the candidates support $50 billion over 5 years to stop the global spread of AIDS?

They've posed the question to Obama and Edwards here in Washington DC. Edwards also got the question in South Carolina. The Boston Globe reports the question was recently given to John McCain in New Hampshire. The question has been asked so many times, that often you just have to say '$50 billion' and the candidates will know what you're talking about.

John Edwards and Joe Biden stand out as the only presidential candidates thus far that have committed to $50 billion over 5 years to fight the global epidemic, part of the 08stopAIDS platform. It leads one to wonder, how many more times will we have to ask the question until Obama, Clinton and the other candidates hear our voices?

Edwards Leads Giuliani and Thompson

Rasmussen Reports: Democratic Senator John Edwards now holds solid leads over the two leading Republican Presidential hopefuls. The most recent Rasmussen Reports national telephone survey shows Edwards leading former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani 49% to 41%. Edwards dominates former Senator Fred Thompson 49% to 35%.

A month ago, Edwards held a virtually identical lead over Giuliani. In between, Giuliani had closed the gap to two points in early August. This continues a trend that began in April, with Edwards consistently polling in the mid-to-high 40% range against Giuliani while the New Yorker has polled in the mid-to-low 40’s.

Giuliani started the year with the edge over Edwards. He came out on top in five Rasmussen Reports national telephone polls between November, 2006 and March of this year. Since April, seven more polls have been conducted and Giuliani has not been ahead in any of them..

Edwards has led by double digits in four out of six previous match-ups with Thompson.

Edwards also leads former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney and Arizona Senator John McCain in Rasmussen Reports polls.

Please click here to review the report in its entirety.

No Straight Talk from McCain on Medical Marijuana for AIDS Patients

John McCain's straight-talk schtick that has served him so well in the past, is turning out to be his achilles heal in 2008. This time round McCain is having a hard time giving straight answers on several issues, including Medical Marijuana for HIV/AIDS Patients. We've gotten no less than threeanswers to the same question. Reason Magazine reports:

When he was asked about medical marijuana in April, the straight-talking John McCain said, "I will let states decide the issue." Less than three months later, asked if he would end the DEA's interference with medical marijuana use in the 12 states where it's legal, he had already changed his mind, saying, "Right now my answer to you is no."

His most recent position on medical marijuana is the most troubling, however, because not only does he take the wrong position, but he also gets his facts wrong. Bay Area Reporters states that recently:

Someone asked John McCain whether he'd support the research into the use of marijuana for medical purposes, but the Republican presidential hopeful said no. "I agree with the American Medical Association. They don't think it's necessary." But in fact, the AMA recommends studies to determine the efficacy of marijuana for seriously ill patients.

Family Reminds Edwards of Health Care Concerns

When John Edwards left Charles City on Wednesday, he took a special memento with him — a photo of 10-year-old Adrian Haught.

It’s the second photo of the Nashua boy that his mother, Tami Haught, has given the Democratic presidential candidate and former North Carolina Senator. Tami was diagnosed with HIV nearly 14 years ago.

“When I gave it to him three years ago, he was talking about health care and poverty so I gave him the picture of Adrian,” she said. “I said if you ever get tired, look at the picture. It’s one of the people that you are fighting for.”

The back of the photo says, “ADAP (AIDS Drug Assistance Program) saves lives. ADAP?saves families.” Haught said she wanted to encourage Edwards to support the program that helps provide access to medication.

continue reading this article inthe Charles City Press

Needle Exchange: An Important Distinction between Obama and Clinton

Ben Smith from the Politico has a post up highlighthing an important distinction between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama. Obama supports federal funding for needle-exchange programs to prevent; Clinton is still waffling.

We have overwhelming scientific evidence that needle-exchange programs are an effective way to reduce HIV infections among injection drug users. Even the CDC supports needle exchange (and has for several years). Most of Hillary's fellow candidates including both Obama and Edwards, have supported federal funding for needle exchange. So I'm not really sure what basis Clinton could have for her indecision, but it's an important distinction to make.

Ben writes: "Obama was quick to say at his July appearance he supports lifting the ban on federal funding for needle exchange. Clinton, by contrast, performed what King called "an interesting waffle" at her April 23 event."

read the article and see the video footage here

On the Record: Hillary Clinton at the HRC/Logo Debate

CARLSON:
Last and not least, Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton. She was the first lady of Arkansas and later first lady of the United States. She was elected to her first
term as a senator from New York in 2000 and re-elected last year. Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton.
(APPLAUSE)
CARLSON:
Senator Clinton, welcome.
CLINTON:
Thank you.
CARLSON:
I don't know if Senator Edwards is still here, but from the last debate, let me go on the record. I like the coral jacket.
CLINTON:
Thank you.
(LAUGHTER)
CARLSON:
Joe is our first questioner for you, Senator.
Joe?
SOLMONESE:
Senator, thank you for being here tonight. You've said in past settings like this and all across the country that you would like to repeal "Don't ask; don't tell."
Now, since 2003 you've sat on the Senate Armed Services Committee, the committee that would decide this issue. Why haven't you introduced legislation to
repeal this policy?
SOLMONESE:
Well, Joe, first, thanks for doing this and thanks for everybody being here and having this forum.
I think the very simple answer is we didn't have a chance with the Republican Congress and George Bush as president. And I want to get it done when I'm
president. I want to do it and have it be successful. I don't want to try in a Republican Congress with a very negative president and have it defeated.
We're talking now that we have a Democratic Congress about what steps we can take to sort of lay the groundwork so that when we do have a change in the
White House, which can't happen too soon to suit me...
(APPLAUSE)
... we will be able to move on that.
But I just want to put it into a broader context, because it's one of my highest priorities. I came out against "Don't ask; don't tell" in 1999. It was a
transitional action that was taken back at the beginning of my husband's administration, because at the time there was such a witch hunt going on.
And we've got some veterans over here. I saw Staff Sergeant Eric Alba, who I have met before at HRC, and I was so glad to see him when I walked in.
(APPLAUSE)
And for people who don't know Staff Sergeant Alba's history, he was the first Marine wounded in Iraq, recipient of a Purple Heart, and 15 years ago he
could have both been refused the opportunity to serve, but if he had gotten into the military under the rules that existed at the time and the attitudes that were
prevalent, he could have been court-martialed or even accused and threatened with criminal action if he didn't reveal names of those with whom he might have
had relationships who were serving in the military.
I think we have moved a long way on this and other issues, but I think it's important to recall how much of an advance "Don't ask; don't tell" was at the time.
However, it was not implemented appropriately. It was still used to discharge a lot of patriotic men and women who were serving our country, often at great cost
in the middle of a war where people were being told, "We don't need your services anymore," including linguists and translators and other specialty services.
But in 1999, it just struck me that it wasn't working and that what we needed to do was to try to move us toward using the Code of Military Justice and judge
people on conduct, not status, no matter whether you're gay or straight. That's the way it should be. It should be even-handed across the entire services.
We're beginning to see some changes. I remember very well the intense debates about this back in '93, and honestly, it was so emotional in the military and
in the Congress that the Congress did pass a law. But we have to get the law repealed.
But now it's beginning to change. Former Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman General Shalikashvili has just come out in favor of a change. I've noticed General
Powell, who was adamantly against my husband's efforts back in '93, has begun to say, "You know, maybe we should rethink this."
So I think we will lay the groundwork, but then when I'm president, we'll get it done. And I'm looking forward to doing that.
(APPLAUSE)
SOLMONESE:
Changing tracks, talk to us about what is at the heart of your opposition to same sex marriage?
CLINTON:
Well, Joe, I prefer to think of it as being very positive about civil unions.
(LAUGHTER)
It's a personal position, and you and I have talked about it. I've talked about it with a number of my friends here and across the country.
And for me, we have made it very clear in our country that we believe in equality. How we get to full equality is the debate we're having. And I am
absolutely in favor of civil unions with full equality, full equality of benefits, rights and privileges.
And I've also been a very strong supporter of letting the states maintain their jurisdiction over marriage. And I believe that was a right decision for a lot of
reasons, because it's easy, again, to forget that just 2.5 years ago, we were facing all of these referenda that were enshrining discrimination in state constitutions.
And a lot of people tried very hard to fight against them and prevent them from being passed, but unfortunately, they were.
Now, 2.5 years later we're beginning to see other states take different approaches. And what we were able to do -- and I really give HRC a lot of credit for
your leadership on this -- in stopping the federal marriage amendment gave the states the breathing room to make different decisions.
So I want to proceed with equalizing federal benefits. I want to repeal Section 3 of DOMA, which stands in the way of the extension of benefits to people in
committed same sex relationships, and I will be very strongly in favor of doing that as president.
SOLMONESE:
I wonder, Senator, if you can sympathize with the frustration of this argument that it's a states' rights issue. In the civil rights struggle, this argument that it
was a states' rights issue was something that was typically used against people working against us as sort of a red herring. And so can you see where this
argument of marriage as a states' right issue would resonate the same way in our community?
CLINTON:
Absolutely. And Joe, not only that, I really respect the advocacy that the community is waging on behalf of marriage. I think you're doing exactly what you
need to do and should do, and I really am very much impressed by the intensity and the persistence of that advocacy. But this has not been a long-term struggle
yet.
And I think it's really clear that people in the states are moving much more rapidly to deal with the inequality than you would find at the federal level.
When you and I were plotting strategy to beat the federal marriage amendment, the reason we were plotting strategy is we were worried it was going to pass.
And, again, this was a terrifying prospect that we would have enshrined in the Constitution for the first time ever discrimination.
And we were very clear about what we needed to do to get the vote in order to prevent this mean-spirited, divisive effort led by Karl Rove to politicize the
hopes and dreams of so many of our fellow Americans.
And we were able to defeat it, but I don't know that we could have defeated it if we had not had DOMA. That, if anything, has provided a great protection
against what was clearly the Republican strategy blessed by George Bush, led by the congressional Republicans, to just cynically use marriage as a political tool.
CARLSON:
Do you think that's going to come up this time when the Republicans are running?
CLINTON:
No.
CARLSON:
Is it dead as an issue?
CLINTON:
You know, Margaret, I'm very optimistic, because I think that...
CARLSON:
I haven't heard it yet.
CLINTON:
I don't hear it either, and -- don't tell anybody, but I'm running for president...
(LAUGHTER)
... and so I'm traveling around the country a lot.
CARLSON:
"Don't ask; don't tell."
CLINTON:
Yes, that's right. And I don't hear it. I don't feel it. I don't see it. Even with the Republicans, with their various forums, you don't get the sense. Why?
Because a lot of people who were in favor of that constitutional amendment knew better. That was a strictly cynical, political ploy on their part, and they were
successful, unfortunately, in a lot of states.
But I think that now people are starting to say, "Well, maybe we don't want to do that," and because a Democratic Congress won't bring up the amendment,
there's really nothing for them to be rallying around.
CARLSON:
Thank you, Senator.
Melissa?
ETHERIDGE:
Senator, I have a personal issue here. I remember when your husband was elected president, I actually came out publicly during his inaugural week. It was a
very hopeful time for the gay community. For the first time we were being recognized as American citizens. It was wonderful. We were very, very hopeful.
And in the years that followed, our hearts were broken. We were thrown under the bus. We were pushed aside. All those great promises that were made to us
were broken. And I understand politics. I understand how hard things are to bring about change.
But it is many years later now, and what are you going to do to be different than that? I know you're sitting here now. It's a year out -- more than a year. A
year from now are we going to be left behind like we were before?
CLINTON:
Well, obviously, Melissa, I don't see it quite the way that you describe, but I respect your feeling about it.
From the moment that Bob Hathaway spoke at the Democratic convention through the appointments that were made, both to positions in Cabinet agencies as
well as in the White House, to the ongoing struggle against Gingrich and the Republican majority, I think that we certainly didn't get as much done as I would
have liked, but I believe that there was a lot of honest effort going on by the president, the vice president and the rest of us who were trying to keep the
momentum going.
I remember when I was running for the Senate as first lady, marching in the gay pride parade in New York City. And to a lot of people that was just an
unbelievable act.
ETHERIDGE:
Why not be the leader now?
CLINTON:
Well, I think I am a leader now. And I think that we are doing a lot to not only talk about laws, as important as they are, but to really try to change attitudes
and persuade people that they should be more open, more respectful, more accepting.
If I were sitting where you're sitting with all you have gone through in the last 14 years, I'm sure I would feel exactly the same way, because not only did
you bravely come out, but you've had health challenges and so much else. And so time can't go by slowly. You want things to move as quickly as possible, which
I understand and wish could happen as well.
But as president, I think I have an opportunity both to reverse the concerted assault on people. It wasn't just on people's rights; it was on people. It was
pointing fingers. It was demeaning. It was degrading. It was mean-spirited. And that will end. That is over. And when we began to...
(APPLAUSE)
CARLSON:
We're almost out of time, believe it or not. Time flies when you're having a good time.
CLINTON:
Oh, I can't believe it.
CARLSON:
But Jonathan?
CLINTON:
To be continued, Melissa.
CARLSON:
Jonathan?
CAPEHART:
Senator, former Joint Chiefs Chairman Peter Pace called homosexuality immoral. And when you were first asked about it, you said, quote, "I'm going to
leave that to others to conclude." The next day, after much criticism, you finally said you did not think that homosexuality was immoral. Why didn't you say that
the first time?
CLINTON:
Well, it was a mistake, Jonathan, because what I went on to say after what you quoted was to launch an attack on "Don't ask; don't tell," because my view
was that as a chairman of the Joint Chiefs, he had absolutely no right to say what he said.
I disagreed with him profoundly, but what was really offensive is that he was in a position of responsibility that had a direct impact on the lives of hundreds
of thousands of these young people in the military. So I went right at him on "Don't ask; don't tell."
And you know you say these things. Somebody sticks a microphone in front of you and you say, "Well, that's pretty good." And my friends started calling
me and saying, "Well, that wasn't very good." I said, "Oh, you're probably right." So I immediately got the first opportunity I could to say the whole thing.
So I just was focused on one aspect of what I thought was really over the line. You know, Joe Blow, Joe Schmo walking down the street can say, "Here's
what I believe." You say, "Who cares?" The chairman of the Joint Chiefs says it -- that has a direct impact on policy, and that's what I went after. But I should
have put it in a broader context.
CAPEHART:
Senator, would you...?
CARLSON:
Well, we are just about out of time, Jonathan. I'm really sorry.
CAPEHART:
... who's anti-gay?
CLINTON:
I'm sorry. What, Jonathan?
CAPEHART:
Would you put someone on the bench who is known to be anti-gay?
CLINTON:
No. And that's why we shouldn't.
(APPLAUSE)
CARLSON:
Senator...
CLINTON:
That's one of the reasons why I'm against Southwick for...
CARLSON:
Senator, you told the AFL-CIO on Tuesday night, "I'm your girl." Do you want to express those same sentiments here?
CLINTON:
I am your girl. Absolutely.
CARLSON:
And you do get a closing statement, short though it may be.
CLINTON:
Well, I want to be a president who really does move forward the agenda of progress and equality in our country. That is what I have tried to do my entire life
for 35 years.
This country, with all of its flaws which we can see manifest -- it doesn't move fast enough; it doesn't do what we want it to do -- has demonstrated
extraordinary resilience and a lot of movement forward. And I think we will see that as the years unfold, and I want to be a part of that.
But I come to these issues not as a senator or as a lawyer or as a presidential candidate, but as a friend of a lot of members of the LGBT community who are
my age who have suffered through a long period of coming out, of having to face families and having to deal with all of the issues that we know occur.
And I want to be a president who can clearly say to the American people, "These are our friends, our children, our parents. These are people we want to
support as they live the best lives they can."
So it's very personal for me. And we are not going to agree on everything, but I will be a president who will fight for you, who will work to end
discrimination in the employment area and "Don't ask; don't tell," finally get hate crimes through, do a lot of what we need to do on HIV AIDS and so much
more. And I really hope we can be partners in trying to make our country a little bit better and a little more progressive for all of us. Thank you.
CARLSON:
Senator, wish we had more time. Thank you.
CLINTON:
I do, too.
CARLSON:
That concludes our forum, but the campaign is only heating up. From now through Election Day 2008, stay informed, follow the campaign and join with
LGBT Americans across the nation to debate the issues of visiblevote08.com and at hrc.org.
On behalf of LOGO and the Human Rights Campaign Foundation, thank you to your panelists, Jonathan Capehart, Melissa Etheridge and Joe Solmonese.

On the Record: Barack Obama at the HRC/Logo Debate

Text of the HRC/Logo Debate

CARLSON:
And now with that, it is my pleasure to introduce our first candidate. Barack Obama was elected to the U.S. Senate from Illinois in 2004. The senator
previously served eight years in the state Senate in Illinois. Please welcome Senator Barack Obama.
(APPLAUSE)
CARLSON:
Good to see you again.
OBAMA:
Thank you. Thank you.
CARLSON:
Well, welcome, Senator. You are a rock star, I think.
OBAMA:
Oh, I don't know about that.
CARLSON:
It's not quite as hot here as it was in Chicago the other night, literally and figuratively, perhaps.
OBAMA:
Absolutely. Well, it's wonderful to be here. I want to thank, first of all, HRC and LOGO for setting this up. I think it is a historic moment, not just for the
LGBT community, but for America. And so I'm glad that I'm participating and glad I kind of got the ball rolling.
CARLSON:
Yes. Start-off batter here.
OBAMA:
Absolutely.
CARLSON:
Welcome.
(APPLAUSE)
OBAMA:
Thank you. Thank you.
CARLSON:
I'm going to have some questions for you, but first I'm going to turn it over to Joe.
SOLMONESE:
Senator, thank you so much for joining us. It's a real honor to have you here with us tonight. And thank you for being the first to accept our invitation.
You have said in previous debates that it is up to individual religious denominations to decide whether or not to recognize same sex marriage, and so my
question is what place does the church have in government-sanctioned civil marriages?
OBAMA:
Well, it is my strong belief that the government has to treat all citizens equally. I come from that, in part, out of personal experience. When you're a black
guy named Barack Obama, you know what it's like to be on the outside. And so my concern is continually to make sure that the rights that are conferred by the
state are equal for all people. That's why I opposed DOMA in 2006 when I ran for the United States Senate.
(APPLAUSE)
That's why I am a strong supporter not of a weak version of civil unions, but of a strong version, in which the rights that are conferred at the federal level to
persons who are part of a same sex union are compatible.
Now, as a consequence, I don't think that the church should be making these determinations when it comes to legal rights conferred by the state. I do think
that individual denominations have the right to make their own decisions as to whether they recognize same sex couples.
My denomination, United Church of Christ, does. Other denominations may make a different decision. And obviously, part of keeping a separation of
churches and state is also to make sure that churches have the right to exercise their freedom of religion.
But when it comes to federal rights, the over 1,100 rights that right now are not being given to same sex couples, I think that's unacceptable, and as president
of the United States, I'm going to fight hard to make sure that those rights are available.
(APPLAUSE)
SOLMONESE:
So to follow up on your point about the state issue, if you were back in the Illinois legislature where you served and the issue of civil marriage came before
you, how would you vote on that?
OBAMA:
Well, my view is that we should try to disentangle what has historically been the issue of the word "marriage," which has religious connotations to some
people, from the civil rights that are given to couples in terms of hospital visitation, in terms of whether or not they can transfer property or any of the other --
Social Security benefits and so forth.
So it depends on how the bill would have come up. I would have supported and would continue to support a civil union that provides all the benefits that are
available for a legally sanctioned marriage. And it is then, as I said, up to religious denominations to make a determination as to whether they want to recognize
that as a marriage or not.
SOLMONESE:
But on the grounds of civil marriage, can you see to our community where that comes across as sounding separate, but equal?
OBAMA:
Well, look, when my parents got married in 1960 or '61, it would have been illegal for them to be married in a number of states in the South. So obviously,
this is something that I understand intimately. It's something that I care about.
But I would also say this, that if I were advising the civil rights movement back in 1961 about its approach to civil rights, I would have probably said it's less
important that we focus on an anti- miscegenation law than we focus on a voting rights law and a nondiscrimination employment law and all the legal rights that
are conferred by the state.
Now, it's not for me to suggest that you shouldn't be troubled by these issues. I understand that, and I'm sympathetic to it. But my job as president is going to
be to make sure that the legal rights that have consequences on a day-to-day basis for loving same sex couples all across the country, that those rights are
recognized and enforced by my White House and by my Justice Department.
CARLSON:
Before I go to Melissa with a question -- I've been working with the LOGO people for a couple of days, so I have more of a feeling for what troubles them --
it seems like religion owns the word "marriage" or you're letting religion have marriage, and then civilly, you get civil unions.
But you got to get married and I got to get married, but Joe doesn't get to be married. And that really does mean that it's a lesser thing. It looks like a
politically feasible thing to do, but...
OBAMA:
Well, as I've proposed it, it wouldn't be a lesser thing, from my perspective. And, look, semantics may be important to some. From my perspective, what I'm
interested in is making sure that those legal rights are available to people.
And if we have a situation in which civil unions are fully enforced, are widely recognized, people have civil rights under the law, then my sense is that's
enormous progress, and that is the kind of progress that I think HRC would be proud of and I would be proud of as president, and that's what I'm going to try to
lead.
CARLSON:
Thank you.
Melissa?
ETHERIDGE:
Thank you very much. First, I just want to say how incredibly humbled and honored I am to be here. I am not a professional politician. I'm not even a
journalist. I'm an incredibly privileged rock star...
(APPLAUSE)
OBAMA:
That's a good enough reason.
ETHERIDGE:
I'm very, very grateful and honored to represent my community and be able to speak for so many people who need to have their government's help. And with
that, thank you.
I want to say hello. It's a pleasure to meet you, Senator Obama.
OBAMA:
It's great to meet you.
ETHERIDGE:
And you have this reputation, and not only in my heart and my experience of you, of being an incredible orator. You speak, you touch many of us, and you
have. And we have lots of hope.
And I see you speaking to a very divided America. The last eight years we have been subject to a great fear that has divided us all -- between races, between
economic classes and, of course, gays and lesbians often feel like we are at the very end of that "us" and "them" role.
OBAMA:
Right.
ETHERIDGE:
If you are elected president, what are you going to do? What are you going to do to bring this country back together?
OBAMA:
It's a great question. Part of the reason that LGBT issues are important to me is because I got into politics in part because I don't like people looking down on
other people. It bothers me. Maybe it's something that my mother instilled in me. Maybe it's the experience of being an African American and at times being
discriminated against.
So the cause that all of you are involved with is part of what prompted me to get into politics. But part of what prompted me is also this hopefulness, this
belief that there is a core decency to most people, and certainly most Americans, and that our founding documents, I think, have a set of universal truths that are
really important.
And the key question for the next president is can we tap back into that core decency? And can we appeal to what Lincoln called the better angels of our
nature?
And part of that involves, I think, when it comes to LGBT issues, acknowledging the reality that people experience every day. That's why when I was at the
Democratic convention in 2004, I said there are no red states; there are no blue states. But I also said we've got gay friends in the red states, and we played little
league in the blue states, trying to acknowledge that people's experience on a day-to-day basis is they've got gay friends, they've got gay family members. They
love them and they cherish them, and somehow our politics creates craziness and fear that doesn't match up with people's day-to-day experience.
And it's the job of the president, I think, to talk about these issues in ways that encourage people to recognize themselves in each other. And when I talk like
this, by the way, sometimes the Washington press corps rolls its eyes and says, "Ah, he's so naive."
CARLSON:
No eye-rolling here yet.
(LAUGHTER)
OBAMA:
But people do, because the sense is, you know, Obama -- he's always talking about hope. I'm a hope-monger.
(LAUGHTER)
But I believe that, and...
(APPLAUSE)
ETHERIDGE:
I grew up in the Midwest. I grew up believing that if you work hard and you're good, then you'll succeed and you can be a good citizen. I grew up believing
in our country, in this great America. It's the greatest country, and I grew up believing in those documents. And those documents say equality to everyone...
OBAMA:
Absolutely.
ETHERIDGE:
... given by our creator. And my creator made me what I am. And I believe that.
(APPLAUSE)
ETHERIDGE:
And please, as you go and as you leave, don't be afraid. Don't let that fear -- be the first one to make the change to bring it, all right? Thank you.
(APPLAUSE)
CAPEHART:
You've gotten some praise for taking to the pulpits of black churches and telling the black community, talking to the black community about its
responsibilities.
Now, you and I both know that there's a homophobia problem in the black community. So how are you going to talk to the black community about that, both
as a candidate and, if you are elected to the White House, as president?
OBAMA:
I have already done so. Some of you saw at the Howard debate that Tavis Smiley had organized I specifically raised the homophobia in our community as an
impediment to dealing with AIDS issues. I'm somebody who talks about LGBT issues not just before HRC.
I was with Harold Ford. He organized a forum of black ministers in Tennessee. And I specifically talked about the degree to which the notion of gay
marriage in black churches has been used to divide, has been used to distract. I specifically pointed out that if there is an pastor here who can point out a marriage
that has been broken up as a consequence of seeing two men or two women holding hands, then you should tell me, because I haven't seen any evidence of it.
(APPLAUSE)
And what I've also said is if you think that issue is more important to the black family, which is under siege -- if you think that's more important than the fact
that black men don't have any jobs and are struggling in the inner cities, then I profoundly disagree with you.
So this goes to the earlier point that we were talking about, Melissa. I think when there's truth-telling involved, people respond, as long as you don't come at
people in a heavy-handed way, but rather you approach them based on their own experience and their own truth.
And the black community, I think, has a diversity of opinion, as you and I both know. There are people who recognize that if we're going to talk about
justice and civil rights and fairness, that should apply to all people, not just some. And there are some folks who coming out of the church elevated one line in
Romans above the Sermon on the Mount.
So my job as a leader, not just of African Americans, but hopefully, as a leader of Americans, is to tell the truth, which is this has been a political football
that has been used. It is unfortunate. It's got to stop. And when it stops, we will then be able to address the legitimate and serious concerns that face the black
families.
CAPEHART:
Senator, real quickly, a recent poll out of the New York Times and MTV of Americans ages 17 to 20 show that 44 percent of them favor same sex marriage
compared to 28 percent of the public. Now, you're running as a candidate of change, but how can you run as a candidate of change when your stance on same sex
marriage is decidedly old school?
OBAMA:
Oh, come on now. I mean, look, we can have this conversation for the duration of the 15 minutes, but there's a reason why I was here first. It's because I've
got a track record of working on these issues.
If people are interested in ENDA at the federal level, they can look at who was the chief co-sponsor of Illinois' version of ENDA, which we passed. If
people are interested in my stance on these issues, I've got a track record of working with the LGBT community.
What I have focused on, and what I will continue to focus on, is making sure that the rights that are provided by the federal government and the state
governments and local governments are ones that are provided to everybody. And that's a standard that I think I can meet, and I don't make promises I can't keep.
And on this issue, I have been at the forefront of any of the presidential candidates.
CARLSON:
Senator, I want to do a viewer-generated question. I want to do a moderator-generated question very quickly.
OBAMA:
Go ahead.
CARLSON:
Would you put the fight among gays and lesbians for civil rights on a par with the civil rights movement for African Americans?
OBAMA:
Well, my attitude is if people are being treated unfairly and unequally, then they are being treated unfairly and unequally, and it needs to be fixed.
So I'm always very cautious about getting into comparisons of victimology. The issues that gays and lesbians face today are different from the issues that
were faced by African Americans under Jim Crow. That doesn't mean, though, that there aren't parallels in the sense that legal status is not equal. And that has to
be fixed.
But I think it's important not to look at the black candidate and wonder whether or not he's going to be more sympathetic or less sympathetic to these issues.
I'm going to be more sympathetic not because I'm black -- I'm going to be more sympathetic because this has been the cause of my life and will continue to be the
cause of my life, making sure that everybody is treated fairly and that we've got an expansive view of America where everybody's invited in, and we are all
working together to create the kind of America that we want for the next generation.
CARLSON:
Well, I had a great viewer-generated question here for you. You're never going to know what it is, but now you get to sum up for 30 seconds or a minute.
OBAMA:
Well, listen, it's a pleasure. This went too quick. I want more time, but I don't have it.
CARLSON:
We'd like to give it to you.
OBAMA:
But the only thing I want to say is this. All the candidates in this race are going to be terrific on these issues compared to, certainly, the candidates in the
other party right now. And that's unfortunate, because this shouldn't be a partisan issue.
The one thing I guess I would say about my candidacy, and something you should think about, is I don't just talk about these issues where it's convenient.
There's a reason that I spoke about the importance of gay and lesbian issues in the most important speech of my life. I didn't have to. There's a reason why in
my announcement I talked about these issues. There's a reason why I talk about gays and lesbians and transgender people in my stump speeches.
I'm somebody who I think is willing to talk about these issues even when it's hard -- in front of black ministers. I'm willing to talk about AIDS at Saddleback
Church to evangelicals and talk about why we need to have condom distribution to deal with the scourge of AIDS. So that's the kind of political purge that I hope
all of you recognize is going to be necessary in order for us to create the kind of America that we all want. And I appreciate your time. Thank you.
(APPLAUSE)
CARLSON:
And we're happy you came here.
OBAMA:
I had a great time.
CARLSON:
It's good to see you. Bye now.
OBAMA:
Thank you. Thank you so much.

On the Record: John Edwards at the HRC/Logo Debate

Text of the HRC/Logo Debate

CARLSON:
Our next candidate, John Edwards, was elected senator from North Carolina in 1998 and ran for president six years later. And, of course, in 2004 he was the
vice presidential candidate. Welcome to Senator John Edwards.
(APPLAUSE)
ETHERIDGE:
Hi.
EDWARDS:
We've been listening to your music. I want you to know that.
ETHERIDGE:
Good.
CARLSON:
Senator Edwards, welcome. We're so delighted that you're here. Thank you for coming.
EDWARDS:
Thank you. Glad to be here.
CARLSON:
Melissa's going to start off the questions. She was bragging that she's neither a politician, and not even a journalist.
(LAUGHTER)
But we can't sing.
EDWARDS:
That's a great place to start.
CARLSON:
All right.
Melissa?
ETHERIDGE:
Yes. Welcome and thank you so much for being here.
EDWARDS:
Of course.
ETHERIDGE:
We're so grateful for that. Your wife and I actually have a lot in common, both suffering through cancer and such, and I wish her the best.
EDWARDS:
Thank you.
ETHERIDGE:
And I send her lots and lots of love. And we also share more than that. Both her and I are very fortunate to be able to afford the best health care.
EDWARDS:
Yes.
ETHERIDGE:
And I remember being in chemotherapy and having a shot once a week that was $3,000 and wondering how anyone else could afford this. And I know you
understand the health care need of lower income people.
But do you understand the special needs of people in gay and lesbian couples who cannot depend on their partner's insurance for protection because they are
not a legal spouse or have to pay extra on the benefit? What would you do about this?
EDWARDS:
Well, first of all, let me say thank you to HRC and thank you to all of you for your leadership.
And the answer to your question is those rights should be available to gay and lesbian couples. I actually was the first candidate to come out with a universal
health care plan, which I'm very proud of, that made it very clear that those rights to gay and lesbian couples would be exactly the same as they would for straight
couples. And so those health care benefits would be available to someone in that situation.
And I might add just a few weeks ago I was the LA Gay and Lesbian Center, which is an extraordinary place, which I'm sure some people here are familiar
with here in the Los Angeles community, where they are doing amazing, amazing work.
But there's a message from my visit there that I think is really important for America to hear, which is I met a whole group of young people who were there
because they were homeless, and they were homeless because they came out of the closet and told their parents the truth, and their parents kicked them out of the
home.
And there they were -- the only place -- they were living on the street, had nowhere to go. Thank God for the LA Gay and Lesbian Center being there for
them, and an extraordinary woman who runs the center. But without that place, where would these young people go?
And it just can't be that in America people think that's OK. They can't believe that's OK. And they need to hear and see exactly what I saw when I was there,
because it was moving. It was touching, and I actually believe that that kind of experience would have a huge impact on the American people if they could just
see.
(APPLAUSE)
ETHERIDGE:
It seems like it's had a huge effect on you, and that's really nice to see, because I have heard that you have said in the past that you feel uncomfortable around
gay people. Are you OK right now?
(LAUGHTER)
It's OK.
CARLSON:
It's very common.
EDWARDS:
I'm perfectly comfortable.
ETHERIDGE:
But it's experiences like that that people need to know, people need to see, and just how universal -- how we are all just people. We're the same.
EDWARDS:
It is.
ETHERIDGE:
Now, my next question is...
EDWARDS:
Can I just tell you that's not true -- what you just said? You didn't say I said it, but...
ETHERIDGE:
I had heard of it.
EDWARDS:
Someone else said it.
ETHERIDGE:
Not true?
EDWARDS:
It's not true. It is not true.
ETHERIDGE:
OK. I take that back. I apologize.
EDWARDS:
No. I know where it came from. It came from a political consultant, and he's just wrong. And Elizabeth and I were both there, and both of us have said he's
wrong.
ETHERIDGE:
All right. I apologize for ever taking that and putting that out.
EDWARDS:
That's OK.
ETHERIDGE:
I have children in grade school, and they're now in third and fifth grade. But I remember in first grade and kindergarten the little kids coming up to me and
going, "Why do they have two mommies?" And I always felt that this was my place to just bend down and go, "You know what? Some people have a mommy
and a daddy. Some people have just a mommy, just a daddy. Some people have two mommies and two daddies." And they go, "OK," and they walk away,
because it makes perfect sense to them, and they're fine with that.
Do you think public schools should teach about LGBT kids and families? How can we bring this into the public school system, or should we?
EDWARDS:
Oh, sure it should. The kids who go to public schools need to understand why same sex couples are the parents of some of the children. They need to
understand that these are American families, just like every American family.
It's one of the reasons why, of course, we have tens of thousands of kids in foster care who desperately need a home. It's one of the reasons that we need to
allow gay and lesbian couples the same rights to adopt children -- in fact, to provide for them to have the same rights to adopt children.
(APPLAUSE)
(CROSSTALK)
EDWARDS:
I'm sorry. I'm almost done. The only thing I would add to that is I do think it's important for the kids that their peers understand what's happening, because
otherwise, you know, children are children. They can be mean and cruel, as I know that you have seen.
And the question is whether we as adults have a responsibility to make sure that they're educated, that they understand this is a good thing, and it's
something that we as Americans believe in and embrace.
CARLSON:
At what grade or what age would you introduce, for instance, that kind of education in the schools?
EDWARDS:
That's a good question. I've not thought about it enough to answer it.
CARLSON:
Well, think about it and come back later and tell us what you come up with.
(LAUGHTER)
EDWARDS:
Yes. There is a place, though, that I believe it's appropriate.
CARLSON:
Jonathan?
(CROSSTALK)
CAPEHART:
Senator, when you were the vice presidential nominee in 2004, many gays and lesbians felt that they were being used as a scare tactic by the right wing and
the Republican party and that the Democrats didn't do anything to defend them. Why should the gay community think that it will be defended this time by you?
EDWARDS:
Well, first of all, this is only one area where the right wing uses scare tactics to divide the American people. And the truth is both in a presidential campaign
and in governing, it is so important that we reject this hate-mongering.
I was actually very proud, I have to say -- Melissa mentioned my wife Elizabeth -- I was very proud of Elizabeth for taking Ann Coulter on, and taking her
on head-on.
(APPLAUSE)
I have seen the impact of tolerance, for lack of a better word, of hate-mongering. I have seen it with language used when I was growing up in the segregated
South. And if you stand quietly by and let it happen, what happens is it takes hold. And it takes hold, and then people begin to believe it's OK. It's OK to use the
kind of language that Ann Coulter used. It's OK for the Republicans in their politics to divide America and use hate-mongering to separate us.
If we stand quietly by, it's not just bad for a political campaign -- and it is bad for a political campaign, because we have to stand up for what's right and fair
and just, and we have to do it with passion and strength -- but it's also bad for America.
It is bad for America for us to let anybody, speaking to the American people, use these issues to divide us. And it is so important for anyone who seeks to be
the leader of the United States of America to stand up strong and firm and denounce it and speak out -- and speak out strongly -- for equality.
CARLSON:
Senator, did you want to take on Ann Coulter? You could use the opportunity here.
(LAUGHTER)
Or just Mrs. Edwards?
EDWARDS:
No, no. As a matter of fact, I joined